By Redacción
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China’s leader Xi Jinping has vowed to prevent the recent spate of mass killings that have shaken the country, ordering local governments to take decisive measures to avoid similar “extreme cases” in the future.
The attacks—ranging from drivers intentionally running over pedestrians to knife-wielding assailants targeting multiple victims—are not new to China, but the latest surge has drawn significant public attention.
Local officials have pledged to address personal disputes that could escalate into violence, including marital issues and inheritance disagreements. However, these measures raise concerns about deeper intrusion into private lives, as the Chinese government already exerts extensive control over social and political spheres.
‘Revenge on Society’ Crimes
In China, these violent attacks are commonly referred to as “revenge on society crimes.”
November alone saw three such incidents: A man injured 30 people at an elementary school in Hunan province after losing money in investments. In the city of Yixing, a student who failed his exams fatally stabbed eight people at a vocational school. The deadliest attack occurred in Zhuhai, where a man, reportedly distraught over his divorce, drove into a crowd, killing 35.
Determining the exact motivations behind these attacks can be challenging, but experts agree that a sense of societal pressure and injustice often underpins them.
“On the surface, these appear to be isolated incidents, but there’s a common thread,” said Wu Qiang, a former political science professor. “In my view, many of these individuals feel a deep sense of injustice. They perceive society as unfair and can no longer endure it.”
Since 2015, the Chinese government has systematically dismantled civil society by targeting human rights lawyers and advocacy groups, leaving many under surveillance or in detention. This suppression has further limited avenues for addressing grievances.
Wu himself was dismissed from Tsinghua University after his involvement in field research during the 2014 Occupy protests in Hong Kong. Police have reportedly monitored his residence in Beijing since last year.
Media Censorship and the Suppression of Information
A decade ago, Chinese media outlets could freely report mass killings as they unfolded, even identifying suspects. Today, however, strict censorship makes such transparency rare.
In the case of the Zhuhai attack, state censors swiftly removed videos and eyewitness accounts within 24 hours, releasing the death toll only after a delay. Similarly, details of the Hunan elementary school attack were disclosed only after the perpetrator’s sentencing nearly a month later.
Unlike countries such as the U.S.—which has recorded 38 mass killings this year, according to an Associated Press database—China lacks publicly available data on violent crimes, making it difficult to track trends.
“From 2000 to 2010, there was a lot of discussion about implementing structural changes to address the root causes of these crimes,” said Rose Luqiu, a former journalist with Phoenix Television and now an associate professor at Hong Kong Baptist University. “Now, such discussions are absent.”
Luqiu believes the government censors such incidents to prevent potential copycat crimes. “Things are only going to get stricter,” she predicted. “The state’s solution is to intensify control.”
New Measures to Prevent Violence
Following the Zhuhai attack, Xi directed local governments to “strengthen risk prevention at the source, strictly prevent extreme cases, and resolve conflicts promptly,” according to the official Xinhua news agency.
In response, dozens of local government entities across China announced actions to identify potential risks. In Anhui province, a Communist Party leader inspected a middle school, a police station, and even a chemical factory warehouse, urging workers to uncover hidden dangers and resolve disputes within families, marriages, and neighborhoods.
The Ministry of Justice similarly pledged to address conflicts related to inheritance, housing, land, and unpaid wages.
However, experts worry about how these disputes will be detected and handled.
“We’re entering a dangerous cycle,” warned Lynette Ong, a professor at the University of Toronto and author of Outsourcing Repression: Everyday State Power in Contemporary China. “The pressure to identify and resolve conflicts at the earliest stages will likely burden schools, businesses, and factories.”
Ong compared these new measures to China’s strict COVID-19 policies, where neighborhood committees implemented extreme controls, including breaking into homes to disinfect apartments. Public dissatisfaction with these policies eventually led to widespread protests.
“If irrational measures are enforced, they will provoke resistance, anger, and further grievances,” Ong said. “This could fuel a vicious cycle, leading to even harsher restrictions.”
